The Union Sugar Estates Co Ltd (UNSE.mu) listed on the Stock Exchange of Mauritius under the Agri-industrial sector has released it’s 2017 interim results for the first quarter.For more information about The Union Sugar Estates Co Ltd (UNSE.mu) reports, abridged reports, interim earnings results and earnings presentations, visit the The Union Sugar Estates Co Ltd (UNSE.mu) company page on AfricanFinancials.Document: The Union Sugar Estates Co Ltd (UNSE.mu) 2017 interim results for the first quarter.Company ProfileThe Union Sugar Estates Co. Limited specialises in growing and cultivating sugarcane amongst other agricultural products. The company has, however, diversified into agro-industry, tourism, IT services and trading. The Union Sugar Estates Co. Limited is listed on the Stock Exchange of Mauritius.
House in Ubatuba / spbr arquitetos ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/72196/house-in-ubatuba-spbr-arquitetos Clipboard “COPY” Area: 340 m² Year Completion year of this architecture project Save this picture!© Nelson Kon+ 50 Share CopyAbout this officeSPBR ArquitetosOfficeFollowProductsWoodGlassConcrete#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousesUbatubaHousesTop100spbrBrazilPublished on August 08, 2010Cite: “House in Ubatuba / spbr arquitetos” 08 Aug 2010. ArchDaily. Accessed 12 Jun 2021.
CopyAbout this officeTato ArchitectsOfficeFollowProductsWoodSteelConcrete#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousesItamiHousesJapanPublished on September 04, 2013Cite: “House in Itami / Tato Architects” 04 Sep 2013. ArchDaily. Accessed 11 Jun 2021.
The campaign for the University of Cambridge and Colleges that launched in 2015 to raise £2bn has now just topped the halfway mark at £1.08bn. The Dear World… Yours, Cambridge campaign aims to raise £2bn to enable the university and its colleges to attract the brightest minds regardless of background or means, to create the resources and environment for world-class research and enable it to respond to challenges facing the UK and the rest of the world.So far, more than 47,000 donors have contributed to the campaign. The University surpassed the £1 billion milestone thanks to an £85 million donation from the estate of Ray Dolby, founder of Dolby Laboratories, to support the development of the Cavendish Laboratory, a leading centre for physics research where Dolby received his PhD in 1961. The gift was announced in San Francisco on 5 December, and according to the university, represents the largest philanthropic gift ever made to UK science.According to the University, the funds raised are supporting Cambridge’s laboratories, lecture theatres and libraries to ensure the best environment for world-class teaching and research and providing new student accommodation and facilities across its 31 Colleges. Studentships and bursaries are also supporting the most financially disadvantaged undergraduate students to meet the cost of their studies.Since the campaign was launched in 2015, 81 postdoctoral fellowships and 134 postgraduate studentships have been funded through philanthropy.Sir Harvey McGrath, co-chair of the campaign, said:“As a result of the support shown by so many alumni, we are able to attract, inspire and support the brightest in the world, irrespective of their background or financial capacity. We must continue to do so, and I am delighted to be working as co-chair to ensure that students who would not otherwise be able to come to Cambridge have the financial support they need, now and in years to come.” About Melanie May Melanie May is a journalist and copywriter specialising in writing both for and about the charity and marketing services sectors since 2001. She can be reached via www.thepurplepim.com. Tagged with: higher education Cambridge fundraising campaign reaches £1bn halfway mark AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis7 Melanie May | 12 December 2017 | News 107 total views, 1 views today Main picture: image of new Cavendish Laboratory Advertisement 108 total views, 2 views today AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis7
August 24, 2007 – Updated on January 20, 2016 TV journalist assaulted by plain-clothes police, human rights lawyer prevented from flying to London to go further Help by sharing this information Tunisia : RSF asks Tunisian president’s office to respect journalists December 26, 2019 Find out more November 11, 2020 Find out more News TunisiaMiddle East – North Africa Reporters Without Borders is outraged by a physical attack on journalist Aymen Rezgui of the privately-owned satellite TV station Al-Hiwar Attounsi in the centre of Tunis today. In a separate development, human rights lawyer Mohammed Abbou was today refused permission to travel to London to be interviewed the pan-Arab TV station Al-Jazeera.“This latest attack shows how determined the Tunisian authorities are to prevent independent journalists from working,” the press freedom organisation said. “Journalists like Rezgui are constantly watched and harassed. This is not the first time he has been assaulted and had his equipment seized. It is all the more appalling that this took place in broad daylight in front of many witnesses.”Reporters Without Borders added: “We also call on the Tunisian authorities to put an end to their persecution of Abbou, who was released just one month ago after being unjustly forced to spend nearly two and a half years in prison. He continues to be punished for speaking out.”Rezgui was leaving a news conference given by the opposition Progressive Democratic Party (PDP) at its headquarters in the centre of Tunis where he was assaulted by about 10 plain-clothes policemen, sustaining an injury to his hand. His camera and all his notes were confiscated. The PDP had accused the government of trying to prevent a legal rally of the party’s youth wing this weekend by banning it from using public spaces.Al-Hiwar Attounsi director Tahar Ben Hassine recently spoke to Reporters Without Borders about his fears about the use of physical violence against himself and his staff. Police went to his home on 15 and 16 August and questioned his housekeeper. Ben Hassine intended to file a complaint against the police for “attempted intrusion.”Abbou, whose release from prison was conditional, was told that he is “banned from travelling” when he went to Tunis-Carthage airport today to fly to London to record an interview in Al-Jazeera’s London studios for a programme on free expression and human rights. Abbou said there are no legal grounds for such a ban.Abbou had told Agence France-Presse on 22 August that he suspected he might not be allowed to leave the country following the mysterious disappearance of a sizable sum of money that had been sent to him through Western Union by the human rights group Frontline for a coming visit to France.Reporters Without Borders has included President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali on its list of the world’s 34 worst “press freedom predators.” News Eleven organizations from civil society create the Forum on Information & Democracy, a structural response to information disorder TunisiaMiddle East – North Africa News Forum on Information and Democracy 250 recommendations on how to stop “infodemics” Follow the news on Tunisia Receive email alerts November 12, 2019 Find out more News Organisation RSF_en
Help by sharing this information News IraqMiddle East – North Africa News Organisation Read in Arabic (بالعربية)Reporters Without Borders condemns the attacks that around 50 men armed with clubs and knives carried out on four Baghdad-based newspapers – Al-Nass, Al-Barlaman, Al-Dustour and Al-Mustaqbal Al-Iraqi – on 1 April. The assailants smashed computer equipment and furniture and assaulted employees. Six journalists were hospitalized. It is still not known for sure who was behind the attacks.Various theories have been proposed. Al-Dustour editor Bassam Al-Sheikh said he thought the attackers were members of a radical Shiite militia led by Mahmoud Al-Hassani Al-Sarkhi, who had been criticized in all four newspapers in connection with his suspected ambition of controlling the Shiite holy city of Karbala. Al-Mustaqbal Al-Iraqi editor Ali Al-Darraji told Reporters Without Borders he thought the attacks were carried out with the aim of intimidating and “gagging independent voices.”They are the latest and most serious in a string of cases of harassment and violence against journalists. While the interior ministry condemned this week’s attacks, Reporters Without Borders is concerned about the lack of concrete measures by the authorities to protect media personnel. “We deplore the increase in abuses targeting journalists and the fact that the Iraqi security forces are often involved in cases of reporters being harassed and prevented from doing their work,” Reporters Without Borders said.Many Iraqi journalists are routinely exposed to threats, murder attempts, attacks, difficulties obtaining permission, denial of access, confiscation of equipment and so on. At the same time, political and religious tension has increased, leading the authorities to postpone local elections scheduled for 20 April for at least six months.The security forces are involved in most of the problems that are reported. At the start of March, foreign journalists were banned from visiting Al-Anbar province, where there had been more than two months of demonstrations to demand the release of prisoners held arbitrarily. On 22 March, local and foreign reporters were forced to leave the governorate of Tikrit, where demonstrations to demand the release of prisoners were also being organized. The same thing happened on 25 March in Al-Kut and on 31 March in Basra, where Al-Ahd cameraman Abdallah Al-Askari and Al-Alam cameraman Mohamed Al-Rasid were harassed by an army officer while covering the aftermath of a bombing near a mosque in Al-Zubayr with 25 casualties.Militias are also responsible for abuses affecting journalists. Al-Anbar TV reporter Karar Al-Tamimi was kidnapped by militia members in Karbala on 3 March and was found two days later with multiple fractures and suffering from psychological trauma. Related documents 130405_cp_attaques_des_journaux_ar-2.pdfPDF – 296.53 KB December 16, 2020 Find out more Follow the news on Iraq RSF’s 2020 Round-up: 50 journalists killed, two-thirds in countries “at peace” News to go further IraqMiddle East – North Africa RSF_en Receive email alerts Iraq : Wave of arrests of journalists covering protests in Iraqi Kurdistan April 6, 2013 – Updated on January 20, 2016 Growing tribulations of Iraqi journalists December 28, 2020 Find out more Three jailed reporters charged with “undermining national security” February 15, 2021 Find out more News
January 15, 2021 Find out more News November 19, 2020 Find out more November 11, 2020 Find out more RSF_en News On eve of the G20 Riyadh summit, RSF calls for public support to secure the release of jailed journalists in Saudi Arabia Help by sharing this information Follow the news on Canada Receive email alerts Forum on Information and Democracy 250 recommendations on how to stop “infodemics” Organisation CanadaAmericas November 12, 2010 – Updated on January 20, 2016 Daniel Leblanc: “By finding in my favour, the Supreme Court has reaffirmed that protection of sources remains the rule” Daniel Leblanc on 22 October 2010 won his case before the Supreme Court on the right of journalists to protect their sources of information. The source in question was known only as “MaChouette” and she enabled the journalist to reveal a federal sponsorship scandal at the start of the decade. It is however only a partial victory because in May this year, Canada’s highest court made exactly the opposite ruling in another case. Can you remind us about the story behind the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence ruling in your favour? The case began with the final referendum on Quebec sovereignty. The narrow “No” vote launched a “war of the flags” between the federal and provincial governments. The federal side launched a major campaign in Quebec to promote Canada’s image costing 50 million dollars a year in fees paid to communications and advertising agencies. When did the scandal break? In 2000-2001, the press began to reveal overcharging on the part of the communications agencies. This overcharging led to injections of money going into the coffers of some political parties, foremost of which was the Liberal Party of Canada. There were also incidents of phantom employees. All this was confirmed in 2005 with the opening of a federal investigation. How did you meet “MaChouette”? It June 2000 I received an anonymous phone call from a woman – who later did give me her name – who was obviously in the know about these cases. She gave me names, facts, leads on contracts. I never quoted her in my articles. She gave me a line of inquiry to follow and I checked it out. A year after the investigation, in 2006, I published a book called “Codename: MaChouette” that revealed, with her agreement, the existence of the source. But it should not be forgotten that when the federal investigation was set up, in 2005, the Canadian government, began two kinds of legal proceedings to protect itself. Some of them were civil and another was criminal, headed by the Royal Gendarmerie of Canada (GRC). And was this when the advertising group Polygone decided to bring a case against you? The Polygone group was the one that defended itself most vigorously because it had a lot of to lose in this case. Why did it want to get the name of my source? Quite simply because Quebec’s civil law lays down a maximum period of three years to open proceedings from the moment the facts are known. After that it is impossible to continue a case. The federal government took the view that the sponsorship scandal had been known about since 2002. But “MaChouette” got in touch with me in 2000. It was in Polygone’s interest to show that the facts were known from that date on and that, as a result, the deadline for proceedings against it had expired. Now Canada’s Supreme Court has ruled, the conflict between you and Polygone should go back to the Quebec superior court of justice, which ordered you to identify “MaChouette”. What would be the point since nobody can any longer demand that your name your source? Indeed, and the big question now is whether Polygone wants to start it up again. The Supreme Court has reaffirmed that protection of sources remains the rule. It is a victory for me but also for the Canadian press in general. For all that, last May, the Supreme Court made a ruling that was exactly the opposite…That is true but the case is not at all similar. On 7 May, the Supreme Court ordered the daily National Post to hand over documents to the GRC, that would identify the source of journalist Andrew McIntosh. The case goes back to 2001, when the colleague revealed that the then prime minister Jean Chrétien had helped a friend get a loan from the Business Development Bank of Canada in his home town of Shawinigan. While the bank had sworn that the bank documents that formed the basis of the investigation, were forged. The issue therefore was to establish proof of the forgery by trying if need be to obtain the name of a source. Canada is a highly-rated country in terms of press freedom. Do you agree with that? Yes, overall. It is true access to some information has become more difficult since Stephen Harper became prime minister. The press find it harder to get hold of information in cases involving national security. But as for protection of sources, I think that the ruling in my favour confirms a positive trend. Look at the Supreme Court ruling in December 2009 opening up the defence of “responsible communication” in defamation cases. The journalist facing proceedings can now rely on showing that they had done everything possible to give the opposing side a right of reply and thus guarantee their professional good faith. CanadaAmericas News News to go further “We must impose democratic obligations on the leading digital players”
ColumnsDominant Executive And Compliant Legislature Dr Yogesh Pratap Singh28 Sep 2020 1:38 AMShare This – xOne of the most imperative questions which engaged the drafters of the Indian constitution was the nature of the Executive and its relation with the Legislature. Undoubtedly, the decision of the Constituent Assembly on the form of Government was substantially influenced by the political background of country and the practice and traditions evolved during the British rule. Dr. Ambedkar in…Your free access to Live Law has expiredTo read the article, get a premium account.Your Subscription Supports Independent JournalismSubscription starts from ₹ 599+GST (For 6 Months)View PlansPremium account gives you:Unlimited access to Live Law Archives, Weekly/Monthly Digest, Exclusive Notifications, Comments.Reading experience of Ad Free Version, Petition Copies, Judgement/Order Copies.Subscribe NowAlready a subscriber?LoginOne of the most imperative questions which engaged the drafters of the Indian constitution was the nature of the Executive and its relation with the Legislature. Undoubtedly, the decision of the Constituent Assembly on the form of Government was substantially influenced by the political background of country and the practice and traditions evolved during the British rule. Dr. Ambedkar in his exhaustive and authoritative statement on the nature and character of the Executive while introducing the Draft Constitution in the Constituent Assembly on November 4, 1948 made it clear that the Parliamentary System which prevailed in England will be best suited for our system, because the assessment of executive here is both daily and periodic unlike non-parliamentary system where it is only periodic. Parliamentary democracy therefore implied that Parliament will hold the executive accountable for all its decisions. This may be done using various methods including debates on Bills, asking questions to ministers during Question Hour, and parliamentary committees. Unfortunately, discourse is much on the diminishing role of Parliament and the increased dominance of the Executive i.e. a dominant executive and a compliant legislature. The history of recent past records a gloomy story of a parliamentary system where every party has contributed to its decline. Members of Parliament across the parties have disrupted the time allotted for the Question Hour and demanded Presiding officers to adjourn it, or simply put, scrap it on that particular day. We now see further low in parliamentary system when current government decided to scrap question hour session altogether in monsoon session. A bicameral system of legislature is not only an intra-organ control device which keeps a constant check on the Parliament and its government not to pass any unjust law. The Modi government’s minority status in the Rajya Sabha was perhaps the biggest check and which not only slowed but even stopped its important legislative plans during NDA 1.0. The improving numbers in the Upper house along with partisan outlook and approach of presiding officers have strengthen government’s ability to pass crucial bills without any proper discussion and scrutiny. There is progressively a sense of deep cynicism with the very process of parliamentary debates or at least the way it is being captivated by the executive at this moment. Presiding officer’s decision to put three critical bills to a suspicious voice vote in spite of the clear rules of procedure that if voice vote is challenged then division will be made, once again contaminated the essence of parliamentary democracy. Ensuing ruckus, suspension of members, passing of crucial bills amid opposition walk-out and without discussion are not a good signal for parliamentary democracy. Diminishing role of parliamentary committees to monitor on-going governmental operations is another cause of anxiety. There is a sharp decline in referring bills to parliamentary committees. The bills are being tabled, debated and passed without sufficient legislative scrutiny. The previous Lok Sabha witnessed 25% of bills referred to parliamentary committees which was a sharp drop from 71% under the second term of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government. This means that we mostly get political debates taking place in Parliament ignoring the clause wise expert debates. Non-referent of bills to committee sends the message that bills tabled by the government are either perfect or it is so urgently needed that they do not require the input of a committee. But this also validates the dominance of executive over Parliament which is again not a good sign for a Parliamentary System of governance where executive functions under the supervision of Parliament. MPs do not pay due dedication to the work of standing committees and spend most of their time in their constituencies politics and give more importance to social functions, marriages, funerals, as well as attend inauguration functions and partake in other local political events. They are able to do this because of the lack of political party mechanism for accountability of their respective MPs and communication of their performance or non-performance to the voters in the constituencies from which they are elected. Legislators and members of Parliamentary Committees who happen to be legal practitioners, incessantly practice law before courts and earn substantial money leaving their Parliamentary work secondary. After all this, MPs are left with no time to read the material sent by a committee secretariat? According to data shared by the chairman, only 18 out of the 80 RS MPs attended all the meetings of their committees. This number looks dismal when you consider that eight out of the 18 are chairmen of these committees. The attendance of Lok Sabha (LS) MPs in these committees is equally gloomy. Out of the 168 Lok Sabha MPs on these committees, only 18 attended all the meetings. Congress leader and Member of Parliament Mr. Rahul Gandhi, who is a member of the parliamentary standing committee on Defence did not attend even a single meeting out of total 11 meetings since its formation. The lackadaisical attitude of MPs is perhaps linked to the impression created and importance given to parliamentary committees. The absence of MPs has a larger impact, as each member of a committee represents 25 of his parliamentary colleagues in these meetings. One-year tenure of parliamentary committees is one of the reasons for its non-serious nature. A relatively longer tenure will help MPs in committees to gain expertise in subject areas as many MPs experience a knowledge gap while dealing with specialised subjects. Former Speaker Mr. Somnath Chatterjee in fact suggested (2005) to associate external experts to support the committees in analysing legislations and policies but political leaders did not welcome this progressive idea. Another reason of this decline is seen in the passive role played by the chair of the committee. No mechanism for a regular assessment of the performance of the committee has been put in place. If the chairman of the Rajya Sabha and the Speaker of the Lok Sabha meet the chairman of committees at least once in two months to discuss issues related to the committees, there will be a significant improvement in their functioning. The reports of these committees being a public document are publicly accessible but the process of scrutiny and consultation that members had with other government officials and experts which is a key aspect of legislation, remains concealed from public. Members defend secrecy of deliberations under “parliamentary privilege” to defend secrecy of deliberations. The fact that committee proceedings are not subject to Right to Information Act also raises doubt on the possibility of extra-legal forces with hidden agendas affecting the process of legislation, with the public unaware of it. The manner in which Parliament is functioning seriously undermines the concept of ‘constitutional democracy where the executive is held accountable by the legislature, which represents the will of the people. This is not only the hallmark of parliamentary democracy but a component of the basic structure of the Constitution of India. All opposition parties must rise above and come forward for initiating a constructive dialogue in a constructive manner.Views are personal only.(Author is a Professor of Law & Registrar at National Law University Odisha) Subscribe to LiveLaw, enjoy Ad free version and other unlimited features, just INR 599 Click here to Subscribe. All payment options available.loading….Next Story
Icequakes at or near the bed of a glacier have the potential to allow us to investigate theinteraction of ice with the underlying till or bedrock. Understanding this interaction is important forstudying basal sliding of glaciers and ice streams, a critical process in ice dynamics models used to con-strain future sea-level rise projections. However, seismic observations on glaciers can be dominated byseismic energy from surface crevassing. We present a method of automatically detecting basal icequakesand discriminating them from surface crevassing, comparing this method to a commonly used spectrum-based method of detecting icequakes. We use data from Skeidararjökull, an outlet glacier of theVatnajökull Ice Cap, South-East Iceland, to demonstrate that our method outperforms the commonlyused spectrum-based method. Our method detects a higher number of basal icequakes, has a lowerrate of incorrectly identifying crevassing as basal icequakes and detects an additional, spatially inde-pendent basal icequake cluster. We also show independently that the icequakes do not originate fromnear the glacier surface. We conclude that the method described here is more effective than currentlyimplemented methods for detecting and discriminating basal icequakes from surface crevassing.